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When we discuss political economy, resting our case on faith places it on wobbly
foundations. By "faith" I mean a mode of believing based on acceptance or commitment,
often despite systematic evidence to the contrary, or belief not based on supporting
evidence of the sort available for systematic, organized, public scrutiny. Indeed,
faith is often taken by its champions and adherents to be something extra rational.
Its merit lies, supposedly, in the fact that it isn't based on evidence or reason but
often contradicts both. Thus it is harder to sustain--and it is this difficulty that
makes it a noble achievement to have and keep such a faith. If it were a conviction
or belief based on evidence and reason it would lack this element, or so one hears
it from some theologians and religious leaders.
Faith is a very private mental disposition. In many theological systems it is supposed
to be at God's discretion whether someone will have faith or not. Augustine, for example,
saw it as something that people acquired by the grace of God. Within this tradition,
human beings are in a sense impotent when it comes to gaining faith-they are either
graced with it or not.
But in matters of importance to many peoplenot to mention to allit is futile to rely
on such a method of reaching understanding and convictions. Indeed, there is a virtual
guarantee of discord when faith is invoked. It may be appreciated, in this light, why there
are nearly 4,200 different religions in the United States alone, why so many of the
conflicts around the globe find much of their source in religious views, and why religion
is something that many people refuse to debate or argue (since, again, one either has or
doesn't have it).
To be sure, religion has been present for most of history. As George Orwell illustrates
in his classic book and indictment of communism, Animal Farm, there is always a priest or
minister around no matter what politics happen to dominate. Thus, Roman Catholic and other
churches didn't even collapse under the self-proclaimed atheistic system of communism and
managed to live peacefully within others. The presence of religion in nearly all epochs and
societies, however, is no argument for the truth of much of what these religions proclaim-after
all, most societies hold widespread superstitions, such as astrology, as well as all kinds of
criminal institutions, which arguably rest on various false beliefs about how we all should live.
The pervasiveness of these doesn't render them true. Nonetheless, it is probably because religions
contain something of importance to human life, like codes of conduct that resonate so sufficiently
with common sense that they have staying power. And there is also the problem that secular
philosophies haven't been sufficiently attentive to ethics or morality-often claiming that these,
too, along with the descriptive parts of theologies, are myths. This isn't a credible view and
religions have thrived by holding that they alone can provide people with ethics for guiding
their lives.
There are also many heroic acts by religious people against various forms of tyranny.
But these don't render the general outlook of the heroes true. For example, Roman Catholic
Cardinal Mindszenty of Hungary opposed the Stalinist regime in his country, invoking grounds
that any secular liberal thinker could appreciate. Lord Acton's liberalism isn't especially
wedded to religion even though he himself was Catholic. Although the real concerns many religious
people have about tyrannies and totalitarian regimes needn't be based on any specifically
religious convictions-unless, of course, everything one believes rests on those-the ethical
leadership provided from within religion has been significant in fighting such systems.
The bottom line is that what makes us human, most of all, is that we use reason and need
to do so to make headway in our daily lives. In a country fit for human survival and for
thriving, religion can't be a basis for public policy. That's why resting beliefs on the
common capacity to reason, instead of on faith, and the need to discuss with others how one
should lead one's life, has greater promise for peace and justice, especially in organized
human communities inhabited by very different people.
So, one crucial reason that religiously based public policies have dubious merit is that
their justification can't be examined along lines available to us in virtue of our humanity
alone. A human community, as opposed to a sectarian or religious one, can't rest its
institutions on what arises from faith-especially not if those institutions aim to be considered
fairly and openly by all those who might be citizens, including members of very different
religious denominations as well as many who lack any such membership.
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